◆何桂藍於47人案宣判後的聲明◆

 

◆何桂藍於47人案宣判後的聲明◆

[由 ChatGPT 翻譯成簡中，志願者校對]

1. I first read about Maria Kolesnikova before I was taken to punishment—tales of how she ripped her passport apart at the border to refuse deportation, choosing jail over exile, along with trivial accounts of solitary prison life. How, as a professional flutist, she filled her head with imaginary flute music. How she kept on writing letters despite 80% of them being confiscated.

我第一次讀到關於瑪麗亞·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）的故事是在被送去懲罰之前——那些關於她在邊境撕毀護照、拒絕被驅逐、選擇坐牢而不是流亡的傳奇，還有一些瑣碎的關於她獨居監獄生活的描述。作為一名專業的長笛演奏家，她在腦海中‘演奏’想像中的長笛音樂。她儘管 80%的信件都被沒收，卻依然堅持寫信。

2. The protest in Belarus during 2020-21 was the last movement I followed real-time, before my own imprisonment. It went viral in this part of the world as protesters adopted the Be Water tactic of the 2019 Hong Kong Movement. A few years on, a Belarusian political prisoner’s timely advice passed on all the way from her prison in Belarus to mine in Hong Kong in ChatGPT-translated English.

2020-2021 年白俄羅斯的抗議是我在被監禁之前最後一次實時關注的運動。這場運動在這個世界的另一端迅速傳播開來，因為抗議者採用了 2019 年香港運動的‘如水’戰術。幾年後，一位白俄羅斯的政治犯通過 ChatGPT 翻譯的英文，將她在白俄羅斯監獄中的及時建議傳遞到了香港的我的監獄中。

3. How curious. Today, we enjoy multiple advanced communication platforms, yet people are more polarized than ever. Genuine and honest conversations have become more difficult, rendering democracy less and less convincing as the better system in the face of multiplying crises. But, now living in a world of only pen and paper, with heavy scrutiny and severe delays spanning weeks—I relearn, time and again, that genuine human connection is possible and why it is worth fighting for.

真是奇怪。如今，我們享受著多個先進的溝通平臺，但人們卻變得比以往更加兩極化。真正的、坦誠的對話越來越困難，使得在日益增多的危機面前，民主作為更好的制度顯得越來越缺乏說服力。然而，如今在只有筆和紙的世界裡，在經歷嚴格審查和長達數周的延遲中，我一次又一次地重新學習到：真正的人類聯繫是可能的，並明白為什麼它值得我們去奮鬥。***

4. The Hong Kong democratic movement of 2019 is renowned for its impressive arsenal of tactics, combined with the creative use of technological platforms. These tactics travelled across social media, were transplanted into other movements, and bloomed anew. But what holds people together and makes all the creativity possible lies beyond technology or tactics. The movement itself is open to interpretations (and criticisms), yet what has stayed with me to this day, nearly four years later, is something simpler.

2019 年香港民主運動因其令人印象深刻的戰術組合和對技術平臺的創造性使用而聞名。這些戰術通過社交媒體傳播，被移植到其他運動中並重新綻放。但將人們團結在一起、讓所有創意成為可能的東西，超越了技術或戰術本身。這場運動本身開放於不同的解釋（和批評），但近四年後，它留給我的印象卻是一些更簡單的東西。

5. People are engaged. They are eager to connect with each other. Injustice and oppression, once witnessed, together with bravery and determination, once felt, bred an unstoppable urge to express oneself politically and to be part of the struggle; but it didn’t turn into a homogenizing essentialism. Learning from the failures of past movements, people made extra efforts to communicate and incorporate diverse ideas. We did not avoid lengthy, difficult conversations, even amid imminent violence, with rubber bullets flying over our heads. We were adamantly leaderless, each taking our own initiatives and emphasizing individual and equal contributions to the movement. We remained vigilant against disinformation, careful not to let rumours tear the movement apart from within.人們參與其中。

他們渴望彼此連接。當目睹了不公和壓迫，當感受到勇氣和決心，這種不可遏制的政治表達衝動，以及參與鬥爭的願望就被激發出來；但這並沒有演變為一種同質化的必然性。吸取以往運動失敗的教訓，人們付出了額外的努力來交流並吸納多樣的觀點。即使在迫在眉睫的暴力中，在橡膠子彈從頭頂飛過的情況下，我們也沒有回避那些漫長而困難的對話。我們堅定地保持無領導狀態，每個人都自主行動，強調個體對運動的平等貢獻。我們對虛假信息保持警惕，小心避免讓謠言從內部瓦解運動

6. Decentralization unleashed a political momentum unseen in Hong Kong and revealed the city’s exciting diversity, which had previously been constrained by traditional organizational structures. Accustomed to critical and intense political debate, people in Hong Kong only needed to overcome their hesitation about whether their actions mattered to emerge as their own initiators of creative new ways of struggle. They reformed connections into more direct, efficient, and inclusive networks of activism.

去中心化釋放了香港前所未見的政治動能，同時展現了這座城市令人振奮的多樣性，而這種多樣性此前被傳統的組織結構所壓抑。習慣了嚴肅而激烈的政治辯論，香港人只需要克服對自身行動是否重要的猶豫，就能成為創造性新抗爭方式的主動發起者。他們將聯繫重新組織成更加直接、高效且包容的行動網絡。

7. When social institutions crumbled one after another around us, we rose above fear and emerged as a genuine civil society, each living out the true meaning of citizenship. Though democracy was denied at various institutional levels, we built one from the bottom up.

當社會制度一個接一個地在我們周圍崩塌時，我們超越了恐懼，成為了一個真正的公民社會，每個人都在實踐公民身份的真正意義。儘管在各種制度層面上民主被否認，我們卻從基層開始構建了一種民主。

8. Meaningful conversations are only possible when you have faith that people around you, and yourself, are not blind followers of someone else, that they are clear of what they are fighting for and take responsibility for their needs. Independent in their decisions but acting for the collective.

只有在你相信周圍的人——以及你自己——不是盲目追隨他人的情況下，真正有意義的對話才有可能發生。人們清楚自己在為何而鬥爭，並對自己的需求負責。他們在決策上是獨立的，但行為上是為了集體。

9. It's not so much hope for a better future that drives the movement, because hope has always been scarce when you're a city of 7 million facing a superpower, but that even if our vision of the future is different, we trust each other, we can rely on each other to do our best. We trust, we act, we can create. All become one, united in our differences.

驅動這場運動的並不是對更好未來的希望，因為當你是一座有 700 萬人口的城市面對一個超級大國時，希望總是稀缺的。但即使我們對未來的願景不同，我們彼此信任，我們可以依靠彼此盡最大努力。我們信任，我們行動，我們創造。所有人因差異而團結為一。

10. It was only natural that such a collective would demand to be heard and recognized in a way that the regime had to respond to. When the regime closed in and took away the people's right to protest, we turned to the alternative path of elections.

這樣的集體要求被聽到和認可，這種訴求迫使政權不得不作出回應，這是再自然不過的。當政權收緊控制並剝奪了人們的抗議權時，我們轉向了選舉這一替代路徑。***

11. I ran in the last free and fair election in Hong Kong. For that, I was prosecuted in the first Soviet(?)/CCP-style subversion case tried in a common law court. I pleaded not guilty to defend the political expression of 610,000 Hong Kong people, which the regime is trying to distort and reduce into a conspiracy of 47 foreign-brainwashed, faithless pawns, with life imprisonment on the table.

我參加了香港最後一次自由和公平的選舉。因為這件事，我被起訴，成為第一個在普通法法庭上審理的蘇聯（？）/中共式‘顛覆國家政權’案件的被告。我選擇不認罪，以捍衛 61萬香港人的政治表達權。政權試圖將這場表達扭曲成由 47 個被外國洗腦、沒有信仰的棋子策劃的陰謀，且威脅以無期徒刑作為懲罰。

12. The situation is dire, yet when going into the details, it becomes a bit comical: the unforgivably evil subversive act of the accused was aiming for a parliamentary majority with the power to veto the annual budget. Following such logic, one may as well claim that democracies around the world suffer subversion attempts every 4 to 6 years. In a 1984-esque reality, though, democratization—or just calling for it—amounts to subversion of state power. Makes perfect sense.

形勢嚴峻，但當深入細節時，卻顯得有些滑稽：被告不可饒恕的顛覆行為，竟然是為了爭取議會多數席位，從而擁有否決年度預算的權力。按照這種邏輯，民主國家豈不是每隔四到六年就面臨一次顛覆？然而，在一個《1984》式的現實中，民主化——或者僅僅是呼籲民主化——就等同於顛覆國家政權。這真是完美邏輯。

13. Behind the rhetoric of secession, collusion with foreign forces, etc., our true crime for Beijing is that we were not content with playing along in manipulated elections. We organized ourselves to rise above partisan fragmentation, came together, and attempted to break through. We dared to reach for actual power to hold the government accountable. Even though it was enshrined as a right of the people under the Basic Law, Beijing never planned to see it actualized.

在‘分裂國家’、‘勾結外國勢力’等言辭背後，北京真正無法容忍的罪行是我們不滿足於參與操控性的選舉。我們組織起來，克服黨派分裂，團結一致，試圖突破現狀。我們敢於追求實際的權力，以讓政府承擔責任。儘管這種權利在《基本法》中被明確寫入，但北京從未計劃讓它真正實現。

14. We dared to confront the regime with the question: will democracy ever be possible within such a structure? The answer was a complete crackdown on all fronts of society.

我們敢於向政權提出這個問題：在這樣的體制內，民主是否可能？答案是對整個社會全面的鎮壓。

15. Prosecuting democratic politicians and activists across the spectrum, the case was seen as the turning point at which Hong Kong became a lost cause. People were scared into silence and forced to give up hope for democracy in Hong Kong.

起訴民主派政治家和活動人士，這一案件被視為香港淪為無望之地的轉折點。人們被嚇得沉默，被迫放棄對香港民主的希望。

16. Sitting in the dock, I went through the historical trials I had read about in my mind. Decades on, defiant and dignified defences seemed like natural building blocks of ultimate victory. But back in the moment, when the regime’s rule seemed infallible and change was nowhere in sight, why does one still choose to fight despite certain conviction?

坐在被告席上，我在腦海中回顧了那些我曾讀過的歷史性審判。幾十年後，那些堅決且有尊嚴的辯護似乎成了最終勝利的自然基石。但回到當下，當政權的統治看似牢不可破，改變遙不可及時，人們為什麼仍然選擇鬥爭，即使明知將被定罪？

17. The narrative put forward by the prosecution is not just a distortion of facts or a threat to the larger public. It goes much deeper—they are forcing the accused into self-denial of their lived experiences. That genuine solidarity was just a delusion. That the bonds, the togetherness, the honest conversations among people so different yet so connected, cannot be real after all. That the difficult co-building of a collective united in difference with a shared vision for a better future was just a utopian dream.

控方提出的敘述不僅僅是對事實的扭曲或對公眾的威脅。這種敘述更深層次地影響著我們——他們試圖迫使被告否認自己的親身經歷。他們想讓我們相信，那種真正的團結只是一種幻想；那種不同卻緊密相連的人們之間的紐帶、團結和坦誠的對話根本不可能是真實的；那種在差異中共同構建一個共享美好未來願景的集體的艱難努力，只不過是一個烏托邦式的夢想。

18. But no. They are not just idealistic dreams but realities that I have lived through. I choose to fight to prove that such connections are not only possible but have actually been lived out and continue to live on. The only delusion here is the belief that brutal oppression can ever deny their existence.

但不是的。這些並不僅僅是理想主義的夢，而是我親身經歷過的現實。我選擇鬥爭，是為了證明這些聯繫不僅可能存在，而且確實已經發生並將繼續存在。唯一的幻覺是認為殘酷的壓迫能夠抹去它們的存在。

19. It is not a responsibility nor moral obligation. It is the strong urge within me to do justice to what I witnessed and experienced, for they constitute part of me and define who I was. And I am now going to define who I am.

這不是一種責任，也不是道德義務。這是我內心強烈的衝動——為我所見所聞和所經歷的一切伸張正義，因為這些構成了我的一部分，也定義了過去的我。而現在，我將定義如今的自己。***

20. I stand alone confronting these accusations, not as an individual, but as one of all those who have ever stood in the streets and raised their voices to demand autonomy for the city. As well as all those who have ever stood in the same position before unjust courts anywhere in the world.

我獨自面對這些指控，但我並非僅僅作為一個個體，而是代表所有曾經站在街頭，為這座城市的自治權而呼喊的人們；同時也代表那些曾在世界任何地方不公正的法庭上站立過的人們。

21. I travelled far through words, from contemporary Russia, mainland China, Thailand, to 20th century Chicago, Taiwan, Pretoria. I met Navalny countless times, whose cases filed with the ECtHR are now open for all politically accused around the world to cite in their own legal battles. I learned from the Pussy Riot trial how to use the power of your opponents against you: when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against them; when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against you, you are also granted legal permission to elaborate on them, as extensively as you see fit.

通過文字，我穿越了許多地方，從當代的俄羅斯、中國大陸、泰國，到 20 世紀的芝加哥、臺灣、比勒陀利亞。我無數次‘遇見’納瓦爾尼（Navalny），他向歐洲人權法院提交的案件現已成為世界上所有因政治原因被控者在法律鬥爭中可以援引的資源。我從 Pussy Riot（普西暴動樂隊）的審判中學到如何將對手的力量轉化為自己的優勢：當言論和信仰被用作指控你的證據時，你也因此獲得了合法機會，盡你所願地詳細闡述它們。

22. And in this particular case, who else has more to offer than the human rights defenders in mainland China? Every final statement and paper about their decades of struggle, the legitimacy of the Chinese constitution, and the power of the people.

而在這個特別的案件中，還有誰能比中國大陸的人權捍衛者提供更多？他們關於數十年鬥爭的每一句終結陳述和每一篇文章，都討論著中國憲法的合法性和人民的力量。

23. None of us have won our cases. Many I read about are still serving harsh sentences in unknown places, unheard and forgotten. Most of them would never have the chance to know how much they inspired me – the only way I could honour them was to fight the best fight I could. And so I did.

我們之中沒有一個人贏得了自己的案件。我讀到的許多人仍在未知的地方服著嚴酷的刑期，無聲無息、被遺忘。大多數人可能永遠不會知道他們多麼激勵了我——而我唯一能向他們致敬的方式，就是竭盡所能地進行最好的鬥爭。所以我做到了。

24. I was sent to solitary confinement for refuting the false testimony of a prosecution witness from the dock. Just before that I had read about Maria Kolesnikova. Her case was in closed court, but the lawyers risked their qualifications to reveal that on the day of the verdict, Kolesnikova made her final statement, a little less than 3 hours, about "moral choice, about love for people, about the future of Belarus.

我因為在被告席上駁斥控方證人的虛假證詞而被送進單獨監禁。就在那之前，我讀到了關於瑪麗亞·科列斯尼科娃的事。她的案件在不公開的法庭上審理，但她的律師冒著失去執業資格的風險透露，在宣判當天，科列斯尼科娃做了不到三個小時的最後陳述，內容關於‘道德選擇，關於對人民的熱愛，關於白俄羅斯的未來’。

25. I tried to imagine making a speech only among people who were complicit in depriving you of your freedom, looking at their apathetic (if not mocking) faces. I can't. And yet she did. She poured her heart out in a speech she knew no one would hear a word of.

我試圖想像，在一群剝奪你自由的人面前演講，注視著那些冷漠（甚至嘲諷）的面孔。我做不到。然而她做到了。她傾注了自己的全部情感，發表了一篇她知道沒有人會聽見的演講。

26. She was violently muted, but the reverberation! It went all the way across the Eurasian continent, breaking through closed courts and reporting bans, fenced walls and censorship to reach me at the time I needed it most. I felt close to her, even though I may never meet her. I can feel her dearly.

她的聲音被暴力地壓制了，但那餘音！穿越整個歐亞大陸，衝破了封閉的法庭和報道禁令，翻越了高牆和審查制度，抵達了我最需要它的時刻。我感到與她如此接近，儘管我可能永遠不會見到她。我深切地感受到了她的存在。

27. It's that feeling again. Like looking through a cloudy gas mask into the determined eyes of a complete stranger, or walking alongside another in thick, irritating smog toward the light. I have come so far in search of it. The human connection that would only come through shared acts of courage, between individuals who dare to follow their true selves. For to dare is to lose one’s ground momentarily, yes, but not to dare, is to lose oneself.

又是這種感覺。就像透過霧氣籠罩的防毒面具，看見一個完全陌生人堅定的眼神，或者在濃重刺鼻的煙霧中與另一個人並肩走向光明。我為了尋找這種感覺走了這麼遠。這種通過共同勇氣的行動而建立的人類聯繫，只會發生在那些敢於忠於自己本性的人之間。確實，敢於冒險會讓人暫時失去立足之地，但不敢冒險，卻會讓人失去自己。***

28. Today, no democracy is immune to the crisis of legitimacy that results from a deficit of public trust. Calls for the "orderly" and "efficient" rule of authoritarianism are growing inexorably. News of fruitless movements and the continued plight of persecuted freedom fighters in distant, hopeless places is certainly discouraging.

今天，沒有任何民主能夠免于因公眾信任的缺失而導致的合法性危機。對‘有序’和‘高效’的威權統治的呼聲正在不可阻擋地增長。關於失敗的運動和遠方那些註定無望的地方裡受迫害的自由戰士的消息，確實令人沮喪。

29. But you can certainly help a lot. Defend and repair your own democracy. Push back against the corruption of power, restore faith in democratic values through action. Give authoritarian dictators one less example of failed democracy to justify their rule, and give freedom fighters around the world one more inspiration to continue the struggle with better alternatives. Fight on the ground most familiar and dear to you. Prove to the world at every possible moment, no matter how small, that democracy is worth fighting for.

但你完全可以做出巨大貢獻。保衛並修復你自己的民主。抵制權力的腐敗，通過行動重建對民主價值的信心。讓威權獨裁者少一個失敗民主的例子來為他們的統治辯護，而給全球的自由戰士多一個靈感，去繼續以更好的選擇而奮鬥。在你最熟悉和珍視的地方努力奮鬥。每一個可能的時刻，無論多麼微小，都向世界證明，民主值得為之而戰。

30. For while suffering may evoke concern and compassion, it also blurs and reduces the sufferer to a pitiful but characterless victim, part of a nameless number. What really defines our identity is not the suffering itself, but the way in which we face it. It is in action that one defines oneself, and only people who truly know who they are can open up, make new connections in the most unexpected circumstances, and bring about change. It is for the wonders of human diversity, creativity and possibility, for a world in which we can connect as our own true selves, that we dare to act, and we dare to suffer.

因為痛苦雖然可以喚起關心和同情，但它同時也會模糊化，將受難者簡化為一個可憐但無特質的受害者，一個無名數字的一部分。真正定義我們身份的，不是痛苦本身，而是我們面對痛苦的方式。正是在行動中，一個人定義了自己。只有真正瞭解自己的人，才能在最出乎意料的情況下敞開心扉，建立新的聯繫，並帶來改變。正是為了人類的多樣性、創造力和可能性的奇跡，為了一個我們可以作為真正的自己相互聯繫的世界，我們敢於行動，敢於承受痛苦。***

31. 依幾年一直有個矛盾︰好多人，包括曾經關係深嘅人， 極少鼓勵我。加油？加油做啲令自己坐更耐嘅事咩唔通？但當有人畀到力量我，令我見到人嘅存在最極致嘅美感，唯有喺掙紮之中方得展現，如果我帶住份力量去做得越好，只會喺物理同時間上離佢哋越遠。但若我因為怕別離而放棄，喺不再掙紮嘅一刻，我就感應唔返呢份超然於希望或絕望之上嘅生命力。這些年來我一直有個矛盾：很多人，包括曾經關係深厚的人，很少會鼓勵我。加油？加油去做那些會讓我坐牢更久的事情嗎？但當有人給我力量，讓我看到人類存在最極致的美感——這種美感只有在掙扎中才能展現——如果我帶著這種力量做得越好，就會在物理距離和時間上離他們越遠。但如果因為害怕分別而放棄，當我不再掙扎的那一刻，我就再也無法感受到那種超越希望或絕望之上的生命力。

32. 一直陪我嘅人，我唔敢想像佢哋嘅心理負擔，但佢哋冇為咗自己良心舒服要我否定自己；亦冇為逃避思考、判斷或自己，連我都直接避埋。因為佢哋知道咁唔係死，而係創造，係自我完成。愛唔只係牽絆同責任，仲係成就同解放；唔係幫你逃避現實殘酷，而係畀你面對殘酷嘅勇氣。一直陪伴著我的人，我不敢想像他們心裡的負擔。但他們沒有為了自己的良心好過而要求我否定自己；也沒有為了逃避思考、判斷或面對自己，而直接回避我。因為他們知道，這不是死亡，而是創造，是自我完成。愛不僅僅是牽絆和責任，也是成就和解放；愛不是幫你逃避殘酷的現實，而是給予你面對殘酷的勇氣。

33.痛苦其實好難，甚至冇可能分擔，真正可以穿透牆內外嘅，係意志。苦難令「我哋」出現，但無法令「我哋」成長；以苦難嚟維繫嘅共同體，只能喺苦難中無限輪迴——定義身份嘅唔係苦難，而係我哋究竟點樣面對佢。如果今日局面係香港無可迴避嘅命運，至少喺 2019 年，我哋選擇咗面對，選擇唔再留喺虛擬自由新手村，將問題再推畀下一代。痛苦其實很難，甚至幾乎不可能被分擔，真正能夠穿透牆內外的，是意志。苦難讓‘我們’出現，但無法讓‘我們’成長；靠苦難維繫的共同體，只能在苦難中無限輪回——定義身份的不是苦難，而是我們究竟如何面對它。如果今天的局面是香港不可避免的命運，至少在2019 年，我們選擇了面對，選擇不再停留在虛擬自由的新手村，把問題再推給下一代。

34. 民主自由從來唔包歲月靜好︰真正嘅民主係眾聲喧嘩好 L 嘈（香港人應該最清楚），而自由就係好好選擇要諗要揀要承擔；如果只係義憤、支持人、幫人、為道德為責任，而唔去諗其實你自己本身想點，係好難感受到自由。民主和自由從來不意味著歲月靜好：真正的民主是百家爭鳴、喧囂嘈雜（香港人應該最明白），而自由則意味著好好選擇，要思考、要選擇、要承擔。如果只是義憤、支持別人、幫助別人，為道德或責任而活，卻不去思考自己究竟想要什麼，是很難真正感受到自由的。

35. 自由就係感到「原來我可以」嘅時刻。自由就是感受到‘原來我可以’的那一刻。

36. 係，會遇到好多限制同阻力，但正正係喺同現實碰撞先會知自己咩料，透過反覆嘅自我懷疑，先會淬煉出真正嘅執著。是的，會遇到很多限制和阻力，但正是在與現實的碰撞中，才能知道自己是什麼樣的人；通過反復的自我懷疑，才能錘煉出真正的堅持。

37. 歷史唔係由贏者書寫，而係自由有意志嘅人書寫。城市嘅軀殼唔會消失，舊靈魂已死，而新性命誕生就必然係痛；香港嘅好不在井然安定，而在過火癲狂，無孔不入嘅規訓同壓抑下竟然滋生出咁蓬勃嘅多元，要你規行矩步，同時又逼你不斷越界；冇人可以定義「香港係咩」，但人人都可以拓闊「香港可以係咩」。歷史不是由勝利者書寫，而是由有自由意志的人書寫。一座城市的外殼不會消失，舊的靈魂已死，而新的生命誕生必然伴隨著痛苦；香港的美好不在於井然有序，而在於過火與瘋狂。在無孔不入的規訓和壓抑下竟然還能滋生出如此蓬勃的多樣性。它既要求你循規蹈矩，同時又迫使你不斷越界；沒有人能定義‘香港是什麼’，但每個人都可以拓寬‘香港可以是什麼’。

38. 我嘅選擇同行動就係我對「香港可以係咩」嘅回答，學到嘢嘅快樂，喺不可能下仍然同人 sync 到嘅幸福，係最大嘅收穫。如果可以繼續成長，希望可以更加遊刃有餘。我的選擇和行動，就是我對‘香港可以是什麼’的回答。學習到新東西的快樂，以及在不可能中依然能與他人同步的幸福，是最大的收穫。如果可以繼續成長，希望未來能更加遊刃有餘。

39. 而家嘅我手空無一物，只剩鑽研過嘅知識、見證過嘅勇氣、投入過嘅熱情，尤幸好奇依舊，志氣清澈。由衷希望你都有勇氣面對自己、繼而打開自己，體驗世界，感應他人，唔再停喺「思想自由」嘅幻覺之中。你要喺現世自由。現在的我兩手空空，只剩下鑽研過的知識、見證過的勇氣和投入過的熱情，但所幸依然保持好奇，志氣依然清澈。真心希望你也有勇氣面對自己，進而打開自己，去體驗這個世界，去感知他人，不再停留在‘思想自由’的幻覺之中。你要在現實中真正自由。香港可以係咩？期望見到更多不同答案。香港可以是什麼？期待看到更多不同的答案。

——何桂藍