★美國司法部長威廉·P·巴爾發表有關中國政策的講話（中英文））
★美國司法部長威廉·P·巴爾在福特總統博物館
發表有關中國政策的講話
2020-7-16
感謝安德魯的盛情介紹，也感謝你和你的團隊在保護密西根西區人民方面所做出的傑出工作。 我要感謝傑拉德·R·福特總統博物館的領導層和工作人員——特別是館長伊萊恩·迪迪埃（Elaine Didier）——主辦今天的活動。 我還要特別感謝福特總統基金會和執行董事喬·卡爾瓦盧梭（Joe Calvaruso）。 即使在正常情況下，舉辦一個活動也可能是個挑戰，但是這些日子裡，我知道，這尤其具有挑戰性。 謝謝你接納我們。 我也感謝你們，各位聽眾，感謝你們今天的光臨。
21世紀全世界的重要問題：美國如何回應中國共產黨的全球野心
很榮幸今天來到這裡談談可能被證明是對我們國家和21世紀的世界來說最為重要的問題——那就是，美國對中國共產黨全球野心的回應。中共用鐵腕統治著世界上偉大的古老文明之一。它試圖利用中國人民巨大的力量、生產率和創造力作為杠杆來推翻基於規則的國際秩序，以讓獨裁統治安身於世界。美國對這一挑戰如何回應，將帶來歷史性的後果，並將決定究竟是由美國及其自由民主盟國繼續塑造自身的命運，還是由中共及其專制朝貢國來掌控未來。
至少自從1890年代以來，美國一直是全球的技術領軍者。我們的繁榮、歷代美國人的機會和我們的安全均來自這種超凡的技術實力。正因如此，我們得以在世界歷史上發揮關鍵的作用，擊退了法西斯主義的威脅和共產主義的威脅。如今，擺在我們面前的利害攸關問題是，我們是否能夠維持這一領導地位和那種技術領導地位。我們會不會成為讓這一切被盜竊走、實際上是讓我們子孫的未來被盜竊走的一代人？
鼓勵美國人民重新評估他們和共產中國的關係
幾個星期前，國家安全顧問羅伯特·奧布萊恩（Robert O’Brien）談到了中共的意識形態和全球野心。他宣佈，而且我同意，“美國在中華人民共和國問題上表現出被動和天真的日子結束了。”上星期，聯調局局長克裡斯·雷（Chris
Wray）描述了中共如何通過邪惡甚至是違法的行為來追求其野心的，包括工業間諜、盜竊、敲詐勒索、網路攻擊和惡意影響活動。在今後幾天，你們會聽到國務卿邁克·蓬佩奧（Mike
Pompeo）的講話，他將總結擺在美國和自由世界前的利害攸關是什麼。
在克裡斯·雷上星期講話之後，他對我說，中國共產黨的一位領導人宣稱他的講話“特別噁心”（particularly disgusting）。我對他說，我本來今天要達到的目標是被說成“卑劣的”(despicable)，但我現在也要達到“特別噁心”。但不管中方如何試圖形容，我確實希望我的講話和蓬佩奧的講話將鼓勵美國人民重新評估他們與中國的關係，只要中國還繼續處在中國共產黨的統治之下。
美國幫助共產中國成長為與自己匹敵的競爭者
我們今天來到福特總統博物館非常適合。傑拉德·福特在美國與中華人民共和國重新接觸的黎明來臨之際，位居我們政府的最高層。“重新接觸”（Re-engagement）是由尼克森總統在1972年開啟的。三年之後，在1975年，福特總統訪問中國，與包括毛澤東在內的中華人民共和國領導人舉行峰會。
當時，無法想像中國在冷戰之後將成為一個幾乎可以與美國匹敵的競爭者。然而，即使是在那個時候就有顯示中國巨大潛能的跡象。眾議院多數党領袖黑爾·柏格斯（Hale Boggs）和時任少數党領袖的傑拉德·福特在有關他們1972年中國之行的聯合報告中寫道：“如果她能夠實現她的願望，在下半個世紀裡，中國可以成為一個擁有10億人口的自給自足的強國…最後的這一印象，也就是中國有著巨大潛力的現實，也許是我們此行最為生動的。在我們的小團隊穿越在那無邊的土地之際，那種一個巨人正在動起來、一條龍正在醒來的感覺，不由讓我們浮想聯翩。”
習近平不再“韜光養晦”
夢想全球獨裁
鄧小平的經濟改革啟動了中國令人矚目的崛起，他有句著名的座右銘，叫做“韜光養晦”。中國完全是照這句話做的。中國的經濟從1980年占世界國民生產總值的大約2%悄然增長到了今天的將近20%。按照某些統計，根據購買力平價來計算，中國的經濟規模已經超過了我們。將權力集中到了自毛澤東獨裁時代以來從未有過的程度的中共總書記習近平如今公開表示中國在走近“世界舞臺中央“，“建設比資本主義優越的社會主義”；以“中國方案”取代美國夢。中國不再韜光，也不再養晦。在共產黨統治者看來，中國的時代已經到來。
“中國製造2025”——中共欲超越美國的經濟閃電戰
中華人民共和國目前正在進行一場經濟閃電戰——一種咄咄逼人、精心策劃、全政府、實際上是全社會的運動，意圖奪取全球經濟的制高點，並超越美國成為世界獨佔鰲頭的科技超級大國。這一努力的核心是共產黨的“中國製造2025”倡議，這是中華人民共和國控制機器人、先進資訊技術、航空和電動車等高科技產業的計畫。在數千億美元補貼的支持下，這項倡議對美國的技術領導地位構成了真正的威脅。雖然世界貿易組織的裁決禁止為國內產出制定配額，但“中國製造2025”為機器人和電信這類產業的核心部件與基礎材料的國內市場份額制定了目標（有時高達70%）。顯然，中華人民共和國不僅僅是尋求躋身于其他先進工業化經濟體之列，而是要徹底取而代之。
“中國製造2025”是中華人民共和國政府主導的重商主義經濟模式的最新版本。對於國際市場的美國公司來說，與中國進行自由和公平的競爭，長期以來一直是個幻想。為使競爭場地有利於自己，中國的共產黨政府把一系列掠奪性而且經常是不合法的戰術掌握得爐火純青：貨幣操縱、關稅、配額、國家主導的戰略投資和收購、盜竊與強制轉讓智慧財產權、國家補貼、傾銷、網路攻擊和工業間諜。在所有的聯邦經濟間諜起訴案中，有大約80%據稱從事了給中國政府謀取好處的行為，在所有商業秘密盜竊案中，有大約60%與中國有關聯。
南中國海——中共欲控制全球三分之一海上貿易必經之地
中華人民共和國還試圖控制歐亞、非洲和太平洋的關鍵貿易通道和基礎設施。例如，在大約三分之一的世界海上貿易必經之地——南中國海——中華人民共和國對幾乎整個水道提出了大範圍的、歷史根據可疑的聲索，蔑視國際法庭裁決，修建人工島並在上面設置軍事哨所，騷擾鄰國船隻和漁船。
“一帶一路”——中共的現代殖民主義
另一個擴展其實力與影響的野心勃勃的項目是中華人民共和國的“一帶一路”基礎設施倡議。雖然名為“外援”，事實上，這些投資看來是為中華人民共和國的戰略利益和國內經濟需求服務而設計的。例如，中華人民共和國一直被批評讓貧窮國家背負沉重的債務，拒絕重新談判條件，然後接過該基礎設施的控制權，就像它2017年在斯里蘭卡的漢班托塔港所做的一樣。這只不過是現代殖民主義的一種形式。
“數位絲綢之路”——中共欲控制全世界數位基礎設施
然而，同樣後果嚴重的是中華人民共和國通過“數位絲綢之路”倡議控制全世界數位基礎設施的計畫。我之前用過很長的篇幅談到過對讓世界最強大的獨裁政權來建造被稱為5G的全球下一代電信網路的嚴重風險。
也許相對來說不那麼普遍為人所知的是中華人民共和國在人工智慧等其它尖端領域超越美國的企圖。通過機器學習和大資料這樣的創新，人工智慧讓機器模仿人類功能，比如面孔識別、解讀語音、駕駛車輛、進行需要技巧的博弈，比如象棋和中國的博弈遊戲圍棋。2017年，北京推出了“新一代人工智慧發展規劃”，這是到2030年在人工智慧領域領先世界的藍圖。
不管哪個國家湧現成為人工智慧的全球領軍者，這個國家將處在最佳的位置，不僅開啟相當大的經濟潛力，而且還能掌握一系列的軍事應用，比如利用電腦視覺來收集情報。
“獨裁兵工廠”——中共掠奪性的經濟政策對關鍵材料形成國際壟斷
中華人民共和國爭取技術主導地位的努力得到了其壟斷稀土材料的助益。稀土材料對諸如消費類電子產品、電動汽車、醫療設備和軍事硬體等產業至關重要。根據國會研究處的資訊，從1960年代到1980年代，美國居世界稀土生產之首。“從那以後，生產幾乎全部轉向中國，”主要是因為勞動力成本較低以及經濟和環境法規較松。
美國如今危險地要依賴中華人民共和國來獲取這些關鍵材料。總體來說，中國是美國的首要供應國，占我們進口的大約80%。這種依賴的風險是真真切切的。比如，2010年，在發生了一次與東中國海島嶼糾紛有關的事件後，北京切斷了對日本的稀土出口。中華人民共和國也可以對我們做出同樣的事情。
中國在這些關鍵領域的進步表明，中華人民共和國掠奪性的經濟政策正在取得成功。在一百年的時間裡，美國曾是世界最大的製造業國家，這使得我們可以擔任世界的“民主兵工廠”。中國2010年在製造業產出方面超過了美國。如今，中華人民共和國是世界的“獨裁兵工廠”。
美國援助和自由貿易幫助了中國經濟騰飛
中國是怎麼取得所有這些成就的呢？任何人都不應當低估中國人民的創造力和勤奮。與此同時，任何人也不應當懷疑是美國使中國的飛升成為可能。中國通過美國援助與貿易的自由流通獲取了巨大的收益。1980年，國會給予中華人民共和國最惠國待遇。1990年代，美國公司強烈支援中華人民共和國加入世界貿易組織並給予其永久正常貿易關係。如今，美中貿易額總計大約7千億美元。
中共誘騙美國企業獲利後就翻臉
去年，《新聞週刊》發表了一篇題為《美國最大型的公司們如何讓中國再次偉大》的封面文章。這篇文章詳細說明了中國的共產黨領導人如何以允諾市場准入來誘惑美國工商界，然後，在從美國的投資和技術中得益之後，態度就變得越來越敵對了。中華人民共和國利用關稅和配額向美國公司施加壓力。監管部門然後使用不發放許可證等手段，歧視美國公司。然而，沒有幾家公司，哪怕是躋身財富500強的巨頭，願意正式提出貿易投訴，因為他們害怕惹惱北京。
中共利用病毒瘟疫囤積居奇、提供次貨，還要別國表揚
就像美國公司已經變得依賴中國市場一樣，整個美國現在也依賴中華人民共和國提供許多至關重要的商品和服務。 新冠病毒（中共病毒）瘟疫大流行已使人們更加關注這種依賴性。舉例說，中國是世界上最大的某些防護設備的生產國，比如口罩和醫用防護服。
今年3月，隨著大流行病在世界各地的蔓延，中國給自己囤積口罩，阻止包括美國公司在內的生產商將其出口到有需要的國家。它然後試圖利用這些物資的短缺來進行宣傳，向一些國家運送數量有限而且經常有缺陷的設備，並要求外國領導人公開感謝北京運送這些物資。
在醫療醫藥行業，美國依賴中國供應鏈有危險
中國在全球醫療產品市場上的主導地位不僅僅限於口罩和醫用防護服。它已成為美國最大的醫療設備供應商，同時對在華的美國醫療公司進行歧視。中國政府針對外國公司進行更嚴格的監管審查，指示中國醫院購買在中國生產的產品，並向美國公司施加壓力，要求它們在中國建立工廠，在這些工廠裡他們的智慧財產權更容易被盜。正如一位專家所觀察到的那樣，美國醫療器械製造商正在有效地“創建自己的競爭對手”。
在其他關鍵的行業，尤其是醫藥行業，美國也依賴中國的供應鏈。美國仍然是藥物發現領域的全球領軍者，但中國現在是全球最大的的活性藥物成分（亦稱“API”）生產商。正如一位國防衛生局官員所提到的：“如果中國決定減少或是限制向（美國）運送API”，這“可能會導致國內和軍用兩方面藥品的嚴重短缺。”
中共用掠奪、盜竊、間諜和駭客來讓其自己成主導，並摧毀美國製藥業
為了在製藥業佔據主導地位，中國的統治者們使用了與摧毀美國其他行業相同的劇本。 2008年，中華人民共和國將藥品生產定為“高附加值產業”，並通過補貼和出口退稅來壯大中國公司。同時，中華人民共和國有系統地掠奪美國公司。美國公司在中國醫療保健市場面臨著眾所周知的障礙，包括藥品審批延遲、不公平的定價限制、智慧財產權盜竊和假冒產品。在製藥公司工作的中國人在美國和中國都有因盜竊商業秘密而被抓住的例子。
中共長期以來一直在從事網路間諜活動，並對美國的學術醫療中心和醫療保健公司發動駭客攻擊。
實際上，與中華人民共和國有關聯的駭客已經將美國大學和公司作為攻擊目標，以竊取與冠狀病毒（中共病毒）治療和疫苗相關的智慧財產權，有時會擾亂我們研究人員的工作。北京已經被發現掩蓋了冠狀病毒（中共病毒）的爆發，因此急於得到公關方面的重大勝利，並希望它能夠對任何醫學突破宣稱有自己的一份功勞。
“雙贏”對中共而言是讓中共“贏雙”
所有這些例子都應該清楚地表明，中國統治者的終極企圖心不是與美國進行貿易。它是搶掠美國。如果你是一位美國商業領袖，那麼討好中華人民共和國可能會帶來短期回報。但最終，中華人民共和國的目標是取代你。正如美國商會的一份報告所說，“外國公司所認為的大量金融投資、專業知識的共用和重大技術轉讓將導致中國市場不斷開放的想法正在被董事會內部流傳的一種笑話所取代，那就是，雙贏在中國意味著中國（中共）贏兩次。”
中共的威權、一党獨裁從來沒有改變過
儘管美國人曾希望貿易與投資將促使中國的政治體制自由化，但這個政權的根本性質從未改變過。它對香港的無情鎮壓再次證明，與1989年坦克在天安門廣場對付民主抗議人士相比，中國並沒有距離民主更近。它仍然是一個威權的、一黨統治的國家，共產黨掌握著絕對權力，不受全民選舉、法治或獨立司法的制約。中共監視自己的人民，給他們打出社會信用分數，雇用政府內容審查大軍，酷刑折磨異議人士，迫害宗教人士和少數民族，包括將一百萬維吾爾人關押在思想灌輸和勞動營裡。
中共獨裁只在中國已經很糟糕，它還要改變全世界和美國
如果中國發生的一切只局限於中國，這已經是相當糟糕的了。然而，不是美國在改變中國，而是中國在利用經濟實力試圖改變美國。就像本屆行政當局的中國戰略所認識到的那樣，“中國共產黨強制統一意識形態的運動並沒有止於中國的邊界”。而且中共試圖在全球擴大影響，包括在美國土地上。
美國企業為眼前利益向中共磕頭令人悲哀
太多的時候，美國公司為了短期利益而屈服於這種影響——甚至以美國的自由與開放為代價。悲哀的是，美國企業向北京低頭的例子數不勝數。
好萊塢自我審查
以好萊塢為例。好萊塢的演員、製片人和導演為他們宣揚自由和人文精神而自豪。每年，在奧斯卡金像獎頒獎典禮上，美國人都會聽到有關這個國家如何沒有達到好萊塢的社會正義理想的說教。但是，好萊塢現在經常審查自己的電影，以安撫中國共產黨這個世界上最強大的人權侵犯者。這種審查不僅會影響到在中國發行的電影版本，而且還會影響到在美國劇院向美國觀眾放映的許多電影。
例如，熱門電影《僵屍世界大戰》（World War Z） 描述了一個由病毒引起的僵屍末日景象。據報導，這部電影的最初版本包含了一個片中人物推測該病毒可能起源於中國的場景。
（在小說中，“零號病人”是一個來自重慶的男孩。）但這部影片的製片廠——派拉蒙影業公司據報要製片人刪除這個有關中國的提法，希望達成在中國發行這個影片的協議。這筆交易從未實現。
在漫威影業的大片《奇異博士》(Dr. Strange) 中，電影製片人把漫畫書中一個被稱為“古一法師”（Ancient
One）的藏僧這個主要人物的民族從藏人改為凱爾特人。當他們因此而受到質疑時，一位編劇解釋說，“如果你承認西藏是一個地方，而且他是藏人，就有可能疏遠十億人。”
或者，就像中國政府可能會說的那樣，“我們不會放映你的電影，因為你決定捲入政治。”
這些只是為適應中共的宣傳而進行了各種修改的諸多好萊塢電影中的兩個例子。國家安全顧問奧布萊恩在他的講話中提供了更多的例子。但是更多的腳本可能因為作家和製作人知道甚至不去測試這個極限而從未得見天日。中國政府的審查人員無需說一個字，因為好萊塢正在替他們做事。這是中國共產黨一個極大的宣傳勝利。
電影業向中共屈服是一個耳熟能詳的故事。在過去的二十年中，中國成為全球最大的票房。中共長期以來一直嚴格控制進入這個有利可圖的市場的管道——包括對美國電影實行配額制以及嚴格的審查制度，而配額制的實施違反了中國加入世界貿易組織的義務。好萊塢越來越多地依靠中國的資金來籌集資金。 2018年，與中國投資者合作的電影占美國票房收入的20％，而五年前僅為3％。
但從長遠來看，與其它中國的產業一樣，中華人民共和國更感興趣的不是與好萊塢合作，而是收買利用好萊塢，並且最終用他們的國產電影取而代之。為了實現這個目標，中共一直遵循其通常的作法。通過對美國電影設置配額，中共向好萊塢電影製片廠施壓，要求它們與中國公司組建合資企業，然後中國公司可以獲取美國的技術和專長。正如一位中國電影高管最近所說的那樣，“我們所學的一切都源於好萊塢。”
值得注意的是，2019年，中國票房最高的十部電影中有八部是在中國製作的。
思科幫中共建防火牆
向中國（中共）叩頭的遠不止好萊塢。美國的大科技公司也讓自己成為中國影響力的棋子。
在美國與中國實現貿易關係正常化的2000年，克林頓總統將這個新世紀稱為“自由將通過手機和纜線數據機傳播的世紀”。相反，在接下來的十年中，思科等美國公司幫助中國共產黨人建立了中國的防火長城，這是世界上最複雜的互聯網監視和審查系統。
許多大科技公司都樂意與中共勾結
多年來，像穀歌、微軟、雅虎和蘋果之類的公司已經顯示出來，它們過於樂意與中共勾結。例如，最近，在中國政府對有關香港民主抗議活動的報導提出抱怨後，蘋果公司在其中國應用商店中刪除了新聞應用Quartz。蘋果還刪除了允許用戶繞過防火長城的虛擬私人網路絡的應用程式，並從其中國音樂商店中刪除了宣揚民主的歌曲。同時，該公司宣佈將把部分的蘋果雲資料轉移到中國的伺服器上，儘管人們擔心此舉將使中共更容易接觸到存儲在雲中的電子郵件、短信和其他使用者資訊。
最近，我們得以打開在彭薩科拉海軍航空基地（Pensacola Naval Air Base）開槍射擊了八名美國人的基地組織恐怖分子用過的兩部手機。在與他展開的槍戰中，他停下來，停止交火，並放下他的手機，並試圖摧毀它們，將一枚子彈射入他的兩部手機之一。我們當時認為，這可能意味著這些手機裡可能含有涉及恐怖活動的非常重要的資訊。在四個半月的時間裡，我們一直試圖在沒有蘋果公司的任何幫助下打開這些手機。蘋果未能給我們提供任何幫助。我們最終僥倖的找到了一個我們今後可能複製的解決辦法。我們找到了他與基地組織在中東的特工之間的通信聯絡，包括直到襲擊發生前一天的資訊。
你認為當蘋果在中國銷售手機時，在中國的蘋果手機不會被中國當局滲透嗎？如果它們完全不受中國當局的滲透，它們就不會被出售。我們當時要的是一個搜查令。如果我們有法院的搜查令，那麼我們就應該可以打開這些手機。這是美國科技公司中已經出現的雙重標準。
美國企業領袖被誘惑成為中共說客、代理人
中共長期以來一直利用公開報復的威脅和禁止進入市場來施加影響。然而最近，中共也加大了發展和脅迫美國企業高管來實現其政治目的的幕後努力——這些努力更加有害，因為它們很大程度上隱藏在公眾視野之外。
隨著中國政府在全球範圍內失去信譽，司法部已經看到越來越多的中華人民共和國的官員及其代理人與公司領導人接觸，並誘使他們擁護中共所偏愛的政策和行動。他們的目標各不相同，但是他們的推銷思路卻基本相同：商人在中國有經濟利益，而且暗示，取決於他們對中華人民共和國的要求所做出的回應，他們的處境會更好（或更糟）。私下向美國公司領導人施壓或討好以推動政策（或美國政治人物）構成了重大威脅，因為躲在美國聲音的背後可以使中國政府提高它的影響力活動，並給親（中共）政權的政策安上一個“友好面孔”。（美國）立法者或決策者從這些美國商人那裡聽取看法，他們（表現的像是）更加認同他的選區選民而不是一個外國人。通過掩蓋其對我們政治進程的參與，中華人民共和國避免了如果遊說活動被揭露而需要對影響活動承擔的責任以及由此可能引起的公憤。
美國的企業領導人可能不會把自己視為遊說者。例如，你可能會認為，建立一個互惠（mutually
beneficial ）的關係只是與中華人民共和國開展業務所必需的“關係”——也就是一個有影響力的社交網路系統的一部分。但是你應該警惕可能會被利用，以及你代表外國公司或政府所做的努力可能涉及《外國代理人註冊法》（FARA）。該法不禁止任何言論或行為。但它確實要求那些充當外國負責人“代理人”的人通過在司法部註冊，公開披露這個關係以及他們的政治或其他類似活動，允許受眾在評估一個演講的可信度時考慮到這個演講的來源。
“孔子學院”——中共試圖滲透、審查美國學術和研究機構
當然，聚焦美國商業領袖，我並不是想暗示他們是中國（中共）影響力行動針對的唯一目標。但是，他們如今已成為中國在美國影響力行動的主要目標。中國共產黨還試圖滲透、審查或利誘美國的學術和研究機構。例如，數十所美國大學開設了中國政府資助的“孔子學院”，這些學院被指控迫使主辦大學避免討論或取消有關北京認為有爭議的話題的活動。大學必須互相支持；拒絕讓中共決定研究工作或壓制各種不同的聲音；支持希望發表意見的同事和學生；並考慮以犧牲任何學術誠信或自由為代價來滿足中共的要求是否值得。
跟著中共的全球化容不下自由的價值觀
在一個全球化的世界中，美國公司和大學等可能將自己視為全球公民，而不是美國的機構。但是他們應該記住，當初使他們成功的是美國的自由企業制度和法治以及美國的經濟、技術和軍事實力所提供的安全。
全球化並不總是引導世界走向更大的自由。一個隨著共產中國的鼓點行軍的世界容不下依賴自由市場、自由貿易或自由思想交流的機制。
美國企業應該自豪地捍衛美國價值觀，對中共妥協只會付出慘重代價
曾幾何時，美國的企業是明白這一點的。他們視自己為美國人，並自豪地捍衛美國的價值觀。
例如，在二次世界大戰中，具有標誌性的美國公司迪士尼為政府製作了數十部政府公益資訊影片，包括訓練美國水兵導航技巧的視頻。在戰爭期間，迪士尼90%的雇員都在從事製作訓練和公益資訊影片的工作。為了提高軍隊的士氣，迪士尼還設計了出現在飛機、卡車、飛行服以及美國和盟軍使用的其他軍事設備上的徽章。
我猜想沃爾特·迪士尼如果看到他創立的公司如何與當今的外國獨裁者做交易會感到寒心的。當迪士尼公司製作《達賴喇嘛的一生》）Kundun），一部1997年製作的講述中國壓制達賴喇嘛的電影時，中共對這個專案表示反對，並且向迪士尼施壓，要求將其放棄。最終，迪士尼決定不能讓一個外國強權來決定它是否可以在美國發行一部電影。
然而這種勇敢時刻沒有持續多久。當中共在中國禁止所有的迪士尼電影后，迪士尼為重獲准入而大力遊說。該公司的首席執行官為《達賴喇嘛的一生》道歉，稱之為“愚蠢的錯誤“。迪士尼隨後開始說服中國在上海建造一個主題公園。做為交易的一部分，迪士尼同意讓中國政府官員參與管理。在這個主題公園的1萬1千名全職雇員中，有300人是活躍的共產黨員。據報導他們在辦公桌上擺放錘子與鐮刀的黨徽，並且在營業時間在設施內參加黨的講座會。
像其他美國公司一樣，迪士尼最終可能會認識到在原則上妥協所付出的代價。就在上海迪士尼開業不久，一個中方擁有的主題公園就在距離幾百英里的地方冒了出來。媒體報導說，這個主題公園裡的人物看上去令人生疑地與白雪公主和其他迪士尼商標相似。
美國公司必須明白其中的風險。中國共產黨思考的是幾十年和幾百年，而我們傾向於聚焦下一個季度的盈利報告。但是如果迪士尼和其他美國公司繼續向北京低頭，他們所帶來的風險不僅是破壞自己的未來競爭力與繁榮，還會破壞使它們得以興盛的傳統自由秩序。
單個公司力量不夠就集體行動抗共，自由世界要合作抵制中共
在冷戰期間，後來成為鮑威爾大法官的路易士·鮑威爾（Lewis Powell）向美國商會發出了一份重要的備忘錄。他提到，自由企業體系正受到前所未有的攻擊，並呼籲美國公司要更加努力來維護這個體系。“是時候了，”他寫道，“的確，這是早就應該做的——要把美國企業的智慧、創造力和資源調動起來，對抗那些企圖摧毀它的人。”
今天也是這樣。美國人民比以往任何時候都更認識到中國共產黨不僅對我們的生活方式，而且對我們的生命和生計構成的威脅。他們會更越來越多地公開批評企業的綏靖行為。
如果公司害怕獨自挺身而出，那麼集體行動就會有力量。就像鮑威爾大法官說的：“力量來自於組織，來自於細緻的長期規劃和實施，來自於無限期的多年行動的一致性，來自於只有通過共同努力才能得到的融資規模，來自於只有通過團結行動和全國性的組織才能獲得的政治力量。”
雖然多年來都在默默接受中國的共產黨當局，美國科技公司可能終於通過集體行動找到了勇氣。在中國最近對香港強制實施嚴厲的國安法以後，據報導許多大型科技公司，包括臉書、穀歌、推特、Zoom、領英宣佈將暫停遵守政府提出的提供使用者資料的要求。和以往一樣，共產黨官員威脅要監禁不服從的公司的雇員。我們要觀察這些公司會不會堅持到底。我希望它們會。如果它們能夠團結在一起，它們會給其他美國公司樹立一個抵抗中國共產黨腐敗和獨裁統治的好榜樣。
中共發動了一場觸角遍及中國政府和社會每一個角落、精心策劃的行動，來利用我們的機構的開放性，其目的是摧毀它們。為了確保我們的子孫後代能擁有一個自由和繁榮的世界，自由世界需要有一個自己的全社會方式，讓公共和私營部門在保持必要分割的同時能夠共同合作來抵制控制，贏得掌握全球經濟制高點的競爭。
美國曾經做到過這一點。如果我們重新點燃對我們的國家和我們相互之間的愛和奉獻，我相信我們——美國人民、美國政府和美國企業一起——可以再次做得到。我們的自由有賴於此。
（講話結束）
Grand Rapids, MI ~ Thursday, July 16, 2020
Remarks as Prepared for Delivery
Thank you, Andrew for that very kind introduction and for the excellent work that you and your team have done in protecting the people of the Western District of Michigan. I would like to thank the leadership and staff of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Museum — especially Director Elaine Didier — for hosting today’s event. I’d also like to offer a special thanks to the Ford Presidential Foundation and Executive Director Joe Calvaruso. Even under normal circumstances, hosting an event can be a challenge, but these days, I know it is especially challenging. Thank you for accommodating us. I am also grateful to you, the audience, for honoring me with your presence today.
It is a privilege to be here to speak about what may prove to be the most important issue for our nation and the world in the twenty-first century — that is, the United States’ response to the global ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party. The CCP rules with an iron fist over one of the great ancient civilizations of the world. It seeks to leverage the immense power, productivity, and ingenuity of the Chinese people to overthrow the rules-based international system and to make the world safe for dictatorship. How the United States responds to this challenge will have historic implications and will determine whether the United States and its liberal democratic allies will continue to shape their own destiny or whether the CCP and its autocratic tributaries will control the future.
Several weeks ago, National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien spoke about the CCP’s ideology and global ambitions. He declared, and I agree, that “[t]he days of American passivity and naivety regarding the People’s Republic of China are over.”[1] Last week, FBI Director Chris Wray described how the CCP pursues its ambitions through nefarious and even illegal conduct, including industrial espionage, theft, extortion, cyberattacks, and malign influence activities.[2] In the coming days, you will hear from Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who will sum up what is at stake for the United States and the free world. I hope these speeches will inspire the American people to reevaluate their relationship with China, so long as it continues to be ruled by the Communist Party.
It is fitting that we are here today at the Ford Presidential Museum. Gerald Ford served at the highest echelons of our government at the dawn of America’s reengagement with the People’s Republic of China, which began with President Nixon’s historic visit in 1972. Three years later, in 1975, President Ford visited China for a summit with PRC leaders, including Mao Zedong.
At the time, it was unthinkable that China would emerge after the Cold War as a near-peer competitor of the United States. Yet even then, there were signs of China’s immense latent power. In the joint report of their visit to China in 1972, House Majority Leader Hale Boggs and then-Minority Leader Ford wrote: “If she manages to achieve as she aspires, China in the next half century can emerge a self-sufficient power of a billion people …. This last impression—of the reality of China’s colossal potential—is perhaps the most vivid of our journey. As our small party traveled through that boundless land, this sense of a giant stirring, a dragon waking, gave us much to ponder.”[3] It is now nearly fifty years later, and the prescient ponderings of these two congressmen have come to pass.
Deng Xiaoping, whose economic reforms launched China’s remarkable rise, had a famous motto: “hide your strength and bide your time.”[4] That is precisely what China has done. China’s economy has quietly grown from about 2 percent of the world’s GDP in 1980 to nearly 20 percent today. By some estimates, based on purchasing power parity, the Chinese economy is already larger than ours. The General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, who has centralized power to a degree not seen since the dictatorship of Mao Zedong, now speaks openly of China moving “closer to center stage,” “building a socialism that is superior to capitalism,” and replacing the American Dream with the “Chinese solution.”[5] China is no longer hiding its strength, nor biding its time. From the perspective of its communist rulers, China’s time has arrived.
The People’s Republic of China is now engaged in an economic blitzkrieg—an aggressive, orchestrated, whole-of-government (indeed, whole-of-society) campaign to seize the commanding heights of the global economy and to surpass the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower. A centerpiece of this effort is the Communist Party’s “Made in China 2025” initiative, a plan for PRC domination of high-tech industries like robotics, advanced information technology, aviation, and electric vehicles. Backed by hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies, this initiative poses a real threat to U.S. technological leadership. Despite World Trade Organization rules prohibiting quotas for domestic output, “Made in China 2025” sets targets for domestic market share (sometimes as high as 70 percent) in core components and basic materials for industries such as robotics and telecommunications. It is clear that the PRC seeks not merely to join the ranks of other advanced industrial economies, but to replace them altogether.
“Made in China 2025” is the latest iteration of the PRC’s state-led, mercantilist economic model. For American companies in the global marketplace, free and fair competition with China has long been a fantasy. To tilt the playing field to its advantage, China’s communist government has perfected a wide array of predatory and often unlawful tactics: currency manipulation, tariffs, quotas, state-led strategic investment and acquisitions, theft and forced transfer of intellectual property, state subsidies, dumping, cyberattacks, and espionage. About 80% of all federal economic espionage prosecutions have alleged conduct that would benefit the Chinese state, and about 60% of all trade secret theft cases have had a nexus to China.
The PRC also seeks to dominate key trade routes and infrastructure in Eurasia, Africa, and the Pacific. In the South China Sea, for example, through which about one-third of the world’s maritime trade passes, the PRC has asserted expansive and historically dubious claims to nearly the entire waterway, flouted the rulings of international courts, built artificial islands and placed military outposts on them, and harassed its neighbors’ ships and fishing boats.
Another ambitious project to spread its power and influence is the PRC’s “Belt and Road” infrastructure initiative. Although billed as “foreign aid,” in fact these investments appear designed to serve the PRC’s strategic interests and domestic economic needs. For example, the PRC has been criticized for loading poor countries up with debt, refusing to renegotiate terms, and then taking control of the infrastructure itself, as it did with the Sri Lankan port of Hambantota in 2017. This is little more than a form of modern-day colonialism.
Just as consequential, however, are the PRC’s plans to dominate the world’s digital infrastructure through its “Digital Silk Road” initiative. I have previously spoken at length about the grave risks of allowing the world’s most powerful dictatorship to build the next generation of global telecommunications networks, known as 5G. Perhaps less widely known are the PRC’s efforts to surpass the United States in other cutting-edge fields like artificial intelligence. Through innovations such as machine learning and big data, artificial intelligence allows machines to mimic human functions, such as recognizing faces, interpreting spoken words, driving vehicles, and playing games of skill such as chess or the even more complex Chinese strategy game Go. AI long ago outmatched the world’s chess grandmasters. But the PRC’s interest in AI accelerated in 2016, when AlphaGo, a program developed by a subsidiary of Google, beat the world champion Go player at a match in South Korea. The following year, Beijing unveiled its “Next Generation Artificial Intelligence Plan,” a blueprint for leading the world in AI by 2030. Whichever nation emerges as the global leader in AI will be best positioned to unlock not only its considerable economic potential, but a range of military applications, such as the use of computer vision to gather intelligence.
The PRC’s drive for technological supremacy is complemented by its plan to monopolize rare earth materials, which play a vital role in industries such as consumer electronics, electric vehicles, medical devices, and military hardware. According to the Congressional Research Service, from the 1960s to the 1980s, the United States led the world in rare earth production.[6] “Since then, production has shifted almost entirely to China,” in large part due to lower labor costs and lighter environmental regulation.[7]
The United States is now dangerously dependent on the PRC for these materials. Overall, China is America’s top supplier, accounting for about 80 percent of our imports. The risks of dependence are real. In 2010, for example, Beijing cut exports of rare earth materials to Japan after an incident involving disputed islands in the East China Sea. The PRC could do the same to us.
As China’s progress in these critical sectors illustrates, the PRC’s predatory economic policies are succeeding. For a hundred years, America was the world’s largest manufacturer — allowing us to serve as the world’s “arsenal of democracy.” China overtook the United States in manufacturing output in 2010. The PRC is now the world’s “arsenal of dictatorship.”
How did China accomplish all this? No one should underestimate the ingenuity and industry of the Chinese people. At the same time, no one should doubt that America made China’s meteoric rise possible. China has reaped enormous benefits from the free flow of American aid and trade. In 1980, Congress granted the PRC most-favored-nation trading status. In the 1990s, American companies strongly supported the PRC’s accession to the World Trade Organization and the permanent normalization of trade relations. Today, U.S.-China trade totals about $700 billion.
Last year, Newsweek ran a cover story titled “How America’s Biggest Companies Made China Great Again.”[8] The article details how China’s communist leaders lured American business with the promise of market access, and then, having profited from American investment and know-how, turned increasingly hostile. The PRC used tariffs and quotas to pressure American companies to give up their technology and form joint ventures with Chinese companies. Regulators then discriminated against American firms, using tactics like holding up permits. Yet few companies, even Fortune 500 giants, have been willing to bring a formal trade complaint for fear of angering Beijing.
Just as American companies have become dependent on the Chinese market, the United States as a whole now relies on the PRC for many vital goods and services. The COVID-19 pandemic has thrown a spotlight on that dependency. For example, China is the world’s largest producer of certain protective equipment, such as face masks and medical gowns. In March, as the pandemic spread around the world, the PRC hoarded the masks for itself, blocking producers — including American companies — from exporting them to countries in need. It then attempted to exploit the shortage for propaganda purposes, shipping limited quantities of often defective equipment and requiring foreign leaders to publicly thank Beijing.
China’s dominance of the world market for medical goods goes beyond masks and gowns. It has become the United States’ largest supplier of medical devices, while at the same time discriminating against American medical companies in China. China’s government has targeted foreign firms for greater regulatory scrutiny, instructed Chinese hospitals to buy products made in China, and pressured American firms to build factories in China, where their intellectual property is more vulnerable to theft. As one expert has observed, American medical device manufacturers are effectively “creating their own competitors.”[9]
America also depends on Chinese supply chains in other vital sectors, especially pharmaceuticals. America remains the global leader in drug discovery, but China is now the world’s largest producer of active pharmaceutical ingredients, known as “APIs.” As one Defense Health Agency official noted, “[s]hould China decide to limit or restrict the delivery of APIs to the [United States],” it “could result in severe shortages of pharmaceuticals for both domestic and military uses.”[10]
To achieve dominance in pharmaceuticals, China’s rulers went to the same playbook they used to gut other American industries. In 2008, the PRC designated pharmaceutical production as a “high-value-added-industry” and boosted Chinese companies with subsidies and export tax rebates.[11] Meanwhile, the PRC has systematically preyed on American companies. American firms face well-known obstacles in China’s health market, including drug approval delays, unfair pricing limitations, IP theft, and counterfeiting. Chinese nationals working as employees at pharma companies have been caught stealing trade secrets both in America and in China. And the CCP has long engaged in cyber-espionage and hacking of U.S. academic medical centers and healthcare companies.
In fact, PRC-linked hackers have targeted American universities and firms in a bid to steal IP related to coronavirus treatments and vaccines, sometimes disrupting the work of our researchers. Having been caught covering up the coronavirus outbreak, Beijing is desperate for a public relations coup, and may hope that it will be able to claim credit for any medical breakthroughs.
As all of these examples should make clear, the ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States. If you are an American business leader, appeasing the PRC may bring short-term rewards. But in the end, the PRC’s goal is to replace you. As a U.S. Chamber of Commerce report put it, “[t]he belief by foreign companies that large financial investments, the sharing of expertise and significant technology transfers would lead to an ever opening China market is being replaced by boardroom banter that win-win in China means China wins twice.”[12]
Although Americans hoped that trade and investment would liberalize China’s political system, the fundamental character of the regime has never changed. As its ruthless crackdown of Hong Kong demonstrates once again, China is no closer to democracy today than it was in 1989 when tanks confronted pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square. It remains an authoritarian, one-party state in which the Communist Party wields absolute power, unchecked by popular elections, the rule of law, or an independent judiciary. The CCP surveils its own people and assigns them social credit scores, employs an army of government censors, tortures dissidents, and persecutes religious and ethnic minorities, including a million Uighurs detained in indoctrination and labor camps.
If what happened in China stayed in China, that would all be bad enough. But instead of America changing China, China is leveraging its economic power to change America. As this Administration’s China Strategy recognizes, “the CCP’s campaign to compel ideological conformity does not stop at China’s borders.”[13] Rather, the CCP seeks to extend its influence around the world, including on American soil.
All too often, for the sake of short-term profits, American companies have succumbed to that influence—even at the expense of freedom and openness in the United States. Sadly, examples of American business bowing to Beijing are legion.
Take Hollywood. Hollywood actors, producers, and directors pride themselves on celebrating freedom and the human spirit. And every year at the Academy Awards, Americans are lectured about how this country falls short of Hollywood’s ideals of social justice. But Hollywood now regularly censors its own movies to appease the Chinese Communist Party, the world’s most powerful violator of human rights. This censorship infects not only versions of movies that are released in China, but also many that are shown in American theaters to American audiences.
For example, the hit movie World War Z depicts a zombie apocalypse caused by a virus. The original version of the film reportedly contained a scene with characters speculating that the virus may have originated in China. (In the novel, Patient Zero is a boy from Chongqing.) But the studio, Paramount Pictures, reportedly told producers to delete the reference to China in the hope of landing a Chinese distribution deal. The deal never materialized.
In the Marvel Studios blockbuster Dr. Strange, filmmakers changed the nationality of a major character known as the “Ancient One,” a Tibetan monk in the comic books, from Tibetan to Celtic. When challenged about this, a screenwriter explained that “if you acknowledge that Tibet is a place and that he’s Tibetan, you risk alienating one billion people.”[14] Or, he continued, the Chinese government might say “[w]e’re not going to show your movie because you decided to get political.”[15]
These are just two examples of the many Hollywood films that have been altered, one way or another, to conform to CCP propaganda. National Security Advisor O’Brien offered even more examples in his remarks. But many more scripts likely never see the light of day, because writers and producers know not to even test the limits. Chinese government censors don’t need to say a word, because Hollywood is doing their work for them. This is a massive propaganda coup for the Chinese Communist Party.
The story of the film industry’s submission to the CCP is a familiar one. In the past two decades, China has emerged as the world’s largest box office. The CCP has long tightly controlled access to that lucrative market—both through quotas on American films, imposed in violation of China’s WTO obligations, and a strict censorship regime. Increasingly, Hollywood also relies on Chinese money for financing. In 2018, films with Chinese investors accounted for 20 percent of U.S. box-office ticket sales, compared to only 3.8 percent five years earlier.
But in the long run, as with other American industries, the PRC may be less interested in cooperating with Hollywood than co-opting Hollywood—and eventually replacing it with its own homegrown productions. To accomplish this, the CCP has been following its usual modus operandi. By imposing a quota on American films, the CCP pressures Hollywood studios to form joint ventures with Chinese companies, who then gain access to U.S. technology and know-how. As one Chinese film executive recently put it, “[e]verything we learned, we learned from Hollywood.”[16] Notably, in 2019, eight of the 10 top-grossing films in China were produced in China.
Hollywood is far from alone in kowtowing to the PRC. America’s big tech companies have also allowed themselves to become pawns of Chinese influence.
In the year 2000, when the United States normalized trade relations with China, President Clinton hailed the new century as one in which “liberty will be spread by cell phone and cable modem.”[17] Instead, over the course of the next decade, American companies such as Cisco helped the Communist Party build the Great Firewall of China—the world’s most sophisticated system for Internet surveillance and censorship.
Over the years, corporations such as Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Apple have shown themselves all too willing to collaborate with the CCP. For example, Apple recently removed the news app Quartz from its app store in China, after the Chinese government complained about coverage of the Hong Kong democracy protests. Apple also removed apps for virtual private networks, which had allowed users to circumvent the Great Firewall, and eliminated pro-democracy songs from its Chinese music store. Meanwhile, the company announced that it would be transferring some of its iCloud data to servers in China, despite concerns that the move would give the CCP easier access to e-mails, text messages, and other user information stored in the cloud.
The CCP has long used public threats of retaliation and barred market access to exert influence. More recently, however, the CCP has also stepped up behind-the-scenes efforts to cultivate and coerce American business executives to further its political objectives — efforts that are all the more pernicious because they are largely hidden from public view.
As China’s government loses credibility around the world, the Department of Justice has seen more and more PRC officials and their proxies reaching out to corporate leaders and inveighing them to favor policies and actions favored by the Chinese Communist Party. Their objective varies, but their pitch is generally the same: the businessperson has economic interests in China, and there is a suggestion that things will go better (or worse) for them depending on their response to the PRC’s request. Privately pressuring or courting American corporate leaders to promote policies (or politicians) presents a significant threat, because hiding behind American voices allows the Chinese government to elevate its influence and put a “friendly face” on pro-regime policies. The legislator or policymaker who hears from a fellow American is properly more sympathetic to that constituent than to a foreigner. And by masking its participation in our political process, the PRC avoids accountability for its influence efforts and the public outcry that might result, if its lobbying were exposed.
America’s corporate leaders might not think of themselves as lobbyists. You might think, for example, that cultivating a mutually beneficial relationship is just part of the “guanxi” — or system of influential social networks—necessary to do business with the PRC. But you should be alert to how you might be used, and how your efforts on behalf of a foreign company or government could implicate the Foreign Agents Registration Act. FARA does not prohibit any speech or conduct. But it does require those who are acting as the “agents” of foreign principals to publicly disclose that relationship and their political or other similar activities by registering with the Justice Department, allowing the audience to take into account the origin of the speech when evaluating its credibility.[18]
These requirements are designed not to stifle your rights to free expression, which are protected by the First Amendment, but rather to ensure that the American public and their legislators can discern what or who is the true source of speech on matters of public concern.
By focusing on American business leaders, of course, I don’t mean to suggest that they are the only targets of Chinese influence operations. The Chinese Communist Party also seeks to infiltrate, censor, or co-opt American academic and research institutions. For example, dozens of American universities host Chinese government-funded “Confucius Institutes,” which have been accused of pressuring host universities to silence discussion or cancel events on topics considered controversial by Beijing. Universities must stand up for each other; refuse to let the CCP dictate research efforts or suppress diverse voices; support colleagues and students who wish to speak their minds; and consider whether any sacrifice of academic integrity or freedom is worth the price of appeasing the CCP’s demands.
In a globalized world, American corporations and universities alike may view themselves as global citizens, rather than American institutions. But they should remember that what allowed them to succeed in the first place was the American free enterprise system, the rule of law, and the security afforded by America’s economic, technological, and military strength.
Globalization does not always point in the direction of greater freedom. A world marching to the beat of Communist China’s drums will not be a hospitable one for institutions that depend on free markets, free trade, or the free exchange of ideas.
There was a time American companies understood that. They saw themselves as American and proudly defended American values.
In World War II, for example, the iconic American company, Disney, made dozens of public information films for the government, including training videos to educate American sailors on navigation tactics. During the war, over 90 percent of Disney employees were devoted to the production of training and public information films. To boost the morale of America’s troops, Disney also designed insignia that appeared on planes, trucks, flight jackets, and other military equipment used by American and Allied forces.
I suspect Walt Disney would be disheartened to see how the company he founded deals with the foreign dictatorships of our day. When Disney produced Kundun, the 1997 film about the PRC’s oppression of the Dalai Lama, the CCP objected to the project and pressured Disney to abandon it. Ultimately, Disney decided that it couldn’t let a foreign power dictate whether it would distribute a movie in the United States.
But that moment of courage wouldn’t last long. After the CCP banned all Disney films in China, the company lobbied hard to regain access. The CEO apologized for Kundun, calling it a “stupid mistake.”[19] Disney then began courting the PRC to open a $5.5 billion theme park in Shanghai. As part of that deal, Disney agreed to give Chinese government officials a role in management. Of the park’s 11,000 full-time employees, 300 are active members of the Communist Party. They reportedly display hammer-and-sickle insignia at their desks and attend Party lectures during business hours.
Like other American companies, Disney may eventually learn the hard way the cost of compromising its principles. Soon after Disney opened its park in Shanghai, a Chinese-owned theme park popped up a couple hundred miles away featuring characters that, according to news reports, looked suspiciously like Snow White and other Disney trademarks.
American companies must understand the stakes. The Chinese Communist Party thinks in terms of decades and centuries, while we tend to focus on the next quarterly earnings report. But if Disney and other American corporations continue to bow to Beijing, they risk undermining both their own future competitiveness and prosperity, as well as the classical liberal order that has allowed them to thrive.
During the Cold War, Lewis Powell — later Justice Powell — sent an important memorandum to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He noted that the free enterprise system was under unprecedented attack, and urged American companies to do more to preserve it. “[T]he time has come,” he said, “indeed, it is long overdue—for the wisdom, ingenuity and resources of American business to be marshaled against those who would destroy it.”[20]
So too today. The American people are more attuned than ever to the threat that the Chinese Communist Party poses not only to our way of life, but to our very lives and livelihoods. And they will increasingly call out corporate appeasement.
If individual companies are afraid to make a stand, there is strength in numbers. As Justice Powell wrote: “Strength lies in organization, in careful long-range planning and implementation, in consistency of action over an indefinite period of years, in the scale of financing available only through joint effort, and in the political power available only through united action and national organizations.”[21] Despite years of acquiescence to communist authorities in China, American tech companies may finally be finding their courage through collective action. Following the recent imposition of the PRC’s draconian national security law in Hong Kong, many big tech companies, including Facebook, Google, Twitter, Zoom, and LinkedIn, reportedly announced that they would temporarily suspend compliance with governmental requests for user data. True to form, communist officials have threatened imprisonment for noncompliant company employees. We will see if these companies hold firm. I hope they do. If they stand together, they will provide a worthy example for other American companies in resisting the Chinese Communist Party’s corrupt and dictatorial rule.
The CCP has launched an orchestrated campaign, across all of its many tentacles in Chinese government and society, to exploit the openness of our institutions in order to destroy them. To secure a world of freedom and prosperity for our children and grandchildren, the free world will need its own version of the whole-of-society approach, in which the public and private sectors maintain their essential separation but work together collaboratively to resist domination and to win the contest for the commanding heights of the global economy. America has done that before. If we rekindle our love and devotion for our country and each other, I am confident that we—the American people, American government, and American business together—can do it again. Our freedom depends on it.
[1] Robert C. O’Brien, National Security Advisor, “The Chinese Communist Party’s Ideology and Global Ambitions,” June 24, 2020, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/chinese-communist-partys-ideology-global-ambitions.
[2] Christopher A. Wray, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, “The Threat Posed by the Chinese Government and the Chinese Communist Party to the Economic and National Security of the United States,” July 7, 2020, https://www.fbi.gov/news/speeches/the-threat-posed-by-the-chinese-government-and-the-chinese-communist-party-to-the-economic-and-national-security-of-the-united-states.
[3] Hale Boggs & Gerald R. Ford, “Impressions of the New China,” H.R. Doc. No. 92-337, at 3 (1972), https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/document/0358/035800376.pdf.
[4] Evan Osnos, “Making China Great Again,” January 1, 2018, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/01/08/making-china-great-again.
[5] Id.; Department of Justice, “Attorney General William P. Barr Delivers the Keynote Address at the Department of Justice’s China Initiative Conference,” February 6, 2020, https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-william-p-barr-delivers-keynote-address-department-justices-china.
[6] Valerie Bailey Grasso, “Rare Earth Elements in National Defense: Background, Oversight Issues, and Options for Congress,” at 1 (2013), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R41744.pdf.
[7] Id.
[8] Bill Powell, “How America’s Biggest Companies Made China Great Again,” June 24, 2019, https://www.newsweek.com/how-americas-biggest-companies-made-china-great-again-1445325.
[9] Rosemary Gibson et al., “China Rx: Exposing the Risks of America’s Dependence on China for Medicine,” at 124 (2018).
[10] Hearing Exploring the Growing U.S. Reliance on China’s Biotech and Pharmaceutical Products Before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Comm., 116 Cong., at 25 (2019) (written testimony of Christopher Priest, Principal Deputy, Deputy Assistant Director, Healthcare Operations Defense Health Agency), https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2019-10/July%2031,%202019%20Hearing%20Transcript.pdf.
[11] U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Comm., “2019 Report to Congress,” 116 Cong., at 253 (2019), https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2019-11/2019%20Annual%20Report%20to%20Congress.pdf.
[12] James McGregor, “China’s Drive for ‘Indigenous Innovation’—A Web of Industrial Policies,” at 6 (2010), https://www.uschamber.com/sites/default/files/documents/files/100728chinareport_0_0.pdf.
[13] White House, “United States Strategic Approach to the People’s Republic of China,” at 5 (2020), https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/U.S.-Strategic-Approach-to-The-Peoples-Republic-of-China-Report-5.24v1.pdf.
[14] Edward Wong, “‘Doctor Strange’ Writer Explains Casting of Tilda Swinton as Tibetan,” April 26, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/27/world/asia/china-doctor-strange-tibet.html.
[15] Id.
[16] Sean O’Connor & Nicholas Armstrong, Esq., “Directed by Hollywood, Edited by China: How China’s Censorship and Influence Affect Films Worldwide,” at 6 (2015), https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/Directed%20by%20Hollywood%20Edited%20by%20China.pdf.
[17] James Griffiths, “The Great Firewall of China: How to Build and Control an Alternative Version of the Internet,” at 42 (2019).
[18] Department of Justice, “The Scope of Agency Under FARA,” May 2020, https://www.justice.gov/nsd-fara/page/file/1279836/download.
[19] David Barboza & Brooks Barnes, “How China Won the Keys to Disney’s Magic Kingdom,” June 14, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/15/business/international/china-disney.html.
[20] Lewis F. Powell, Jr., “Attack on American Free Enterprise System,” at 9 (August 23, 1971), https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/assets/usa-courts-secrecy-lobbyist/powell-memo.pdf.
[21] Id. at 11.
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